The Chilean Coup of 1973: The Rise of Pinochet and the Shadows of CIA Involvement
On 11 September 1973, Chile experienced a watershed moment in its history, a violent coup that dismantled one of Latin America's most stable democracies. This brutal military takeover shattered the Chilean military’s long-standing tradition of staying out of politics and marked the beginning of 17 years of dictatorship under General Augusto Pinochet. While the roots of this coup can be traced back to economic instability and political divisions within the country, it was propelled by external forces, most notably the United States and its Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). What followed was a period of intense political repression, human rights abuses, and the systematic dismantling of Chilean democratic institutions.
Let us take a look at the events leading up to the coup, the CIA's covert involvement, the rise of Pinochet, the brutal regime that followed, and the fates of "the missing"—the thousands of Chileans who disappeared during the dictatorship, leaving a haunting legacy that continues to resonate today.
Salvador Allende: The Socialist President
Salvador Allende, a physician by training, was a career politician who had served in the Chilean Congress for 25 years before he was democratically elected as president in 1970. Allende was Chile’s first Marxist president, and his victory represented a significant shift towards socialism. His administration quickly embarked on an ambitious agenda to address the country’s deep social and economic inequalities. Among his key initiatives were the nationalisation of the copper industry, land redistribution, and state control over strategic industries such as banks.
However, Allende’s reforms deeply polarised Chilean society. Businessmen, conservative politicians, and many professionals viewed his policies as a direct threat to their interests. Even some trade groups, typically left-leaning, began to withdraw their support as the economic situation in Chile worsened. By the early 1970s, the Chilean economy was in crisis. Inflation spiralled out of control, and there were growing shortages of basic goods, which led to a black market. Strikes and protests became increasingly common, fuelled by political polarisation and economic desperation.
As the crisis deepened, calls for military intervention grew louder. It was within this context that a conspiracy between civilian elites and military officers to overthrow Allende’s government began to take shape. The United States, under the Nixon administration, played a pivotal role in pushing for a military solution to Chile’s political unrest.
The CIA and American Intervention
While the direct involvement of the CIA in the 1973 coup remains a subject of debate, declassified documents have shed significant light on the agency’s covert activities in the years leading up to the coup. When Allende won the presidential election in 1970, the Nixon administration saw his socialist policies as a threat to American interests, particularly in Latin America. There was a fear that Allende’s success could serve as a model for other leftist movements in the region and beyond.
On 15 September 1970, just days after Allende’s election, President Richard Nixon met with CIA Director Richard Helms and gave clear instructions: “Make the economy scream.” This directive, documented in Helms' handwritten notes, outlined a strategy to destabilise Chile's economy and create a political environment conducive to a coup. Nixon authorised $10 million in covert funding to support propaganda efforts, bribe members of the Chilean Congress, and finance strikes that would cripple the economy. The CIA’s role was not to orchestrate a coup directly, but rather to “create a coup climate.”
The agency supported anti-Allende media campaigns and covertly financed opposition groups within Chile. The CIA also maintained close contact with military officers who were dissatisfied with Allende’s leadership. Nixon’s national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, expressed concerns that a Marxist leader rising to power through democratic means would set a dangerous precedent for the region, so the goal was clear: prevent Allende from consolidating power.
The Coup: 11 September 1973
By 1973, tensions in Chile had reached a boiling point. High-ranking military and police officers had been plotting against Allende for months, but one critical figure remained on the sidelines until just days before the coup: General Augusto Pinochet. Pinochet, who had recently been promoted to commander-in-chief of the army after the resignation of General Carlos Prats, had cultivated a reputation as a constitutionalist and was thought to be loyal to Allende. However, on 9 September 1973, Pinochet joined the conspiracy, and his participation would prove decisive.
The coup began in the early hours of 11 September. The Navy initiated the uprising in the coastal city of Valparaíso, while the Army and Air Force moved to seize control of Santiago, the capital. Air Force planes bombed leftist radio stations in the city to silence pro-Allende broadcasts. By mid-morning, the military had secured downtown Santiago, and the presidential palace, known as La Moneda, was surrounded.
Despite warnings that the palace would be bombed if he did not surrender, Allende refused to leave. Inside La Moneda, surrounded by his closest advisers, government ministers, and personal bodyguards, Allende prepared to make a final stand. As bombs began to fall on the palace, a fire broke out, and it became clear that resistance was futile. In a final radio address before loyal stations were silenced, Allende delivered his farewell message to the Chilean people:
“These are my last words, and I am certain that my sacrifice will not be in vain.”
At around noon, with the palace in flames and his supporters overwhelmed, Allende took his own life. While initial reports claimed that he had been killed by the military, a judicial investigation and an exhumation of his remains in 2011 confirmed that Allende had died by suicide. His death marked the end of Chile’s democratic experiment and the beginning of a brutal military dictatorship.
Pinochet’s Regime: 17 Years of Dictatorship
Following the coup, General Pinochet quickly consolidated power. Although the military junta had initially agreed to rotate leadership, Pinochet soon elevated himself to the rank of "captain general" and proclaimed himself the supreme leader of Chile. He suspended the constitution, dissolved Congress, and ruled by decree. For nearly two decades, Chile was under the iron grip of Pinochet’s dictatorship.
Pinochet’s regime was characterised by widespread human rights abuses. Political repression was rampant, and the military and secret police, most notably the National Intelligence Directorate (DINA), carried out systematic campaigns of torture, extrajudicial killings, and disappearances. The early months of the regime saw the rounding up of tens of thousands of suspected leftists, many of whom were detained in makeshift concentration camps, including Santiago’s National Stadium. It is estimated that around 40,000 people were tortured and more than 1,200 clandestine detention and torture centres were set up across the country.
One of the most infamous aspects of Pinochet’s reign was the disappearance of political dissidents, commonly referred to as “the missing.” These individuals were often abducted by DINA agents, tortured, and then executed. Their bodies were either buried in unmarked graves or dumped in the sea. The families of the missing, or "desaparecidos," were left in a state of limbo, unsure of the fate of their loved ones. To this day, thousands of families are still searching for answers.
One of the most notorious acts of international terrorism carried out by Pinochet’s regime was the assassination of Orlando Letelier, Chile’s former ambassador to the United States, in Washington, D.C., in 1976. Letelier, who had been a vocal critic of the regime, was killed by a car bomb, along with his colleague Ronni Moffitt. The attack, orchestrated by DINA as part of Operation Condor—a coordinated effort among Latin American military dictatorships to eliminate political opponents abroad—sent shockwaves through the international community.
Operation Condor, launched in the mid-1970s, involved the secret intelligence services of Chile, Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay, and Bolivia. The programme aimed to suppress political dissent across the region and assassinate opponents of the dictatorships, even if they had fled to other countries. Pinochet’s Chile played a central role in Operation Condor, and DINA was responsible for numerous assassinations and disappearances.
The 'Disappeared': A Legacy of Pain
The plight of the disappeared remains one of the most painful legacies of Pinochet’s dictatorship. The disappearances began shortly after the coup, as thousands of Chileans suspected of being affiliated with Allende’s socialist movement were abducted, tortured, and killed. Many were taken in the dead of night, often from their homes or places of work, by DINA agents or the military police.
The lack of closure for the families of the disappeared has been a source of enduring anguish. Without bodies or confirmation of death, many relatives have been unable to properly mourn their loved ones. The fate of the disappeared became a rallying point for human rights organisations in Chile and internationally. The Vicariate of Solidarity, a Catholic Church organisation, played a critical role in documenting human rights abuses and advocating on behalf of the families of the disappeared.
In 1990, after 17 years of dictatorship, Chile transitioned back to democracy, but the shadow of the disappeared looms large over the country. In the years following Pinochet’s departure from power, the Chilean government launched investigations into the disappearances. The National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation, established in 1990, identified over 3,000 cases of people who had been executed or disappeared during the dictatorship. Despite these efforts, thousands of cases remain unresolved, and many bodies have never been recovered.
The Struggle for Justice for The Disappeared
The struggle for justice for the disappeared has been a long and arduous process. Many families have fought tirelessly to uncover the truth about what happened to their loved ones, but progress has been slow. In the early years after the dictatorship, Pinochet and his military colleagues ensured that they remained shielded from prosecution through an amnesty law passed in 1978, which granted immunity to those responsible for crimes committed between 1973 and 1978.
It wasn't until the 1990s, when Chile returned to democracy, that some cases began to be re-examined. However, the legacy of fear and repression remained strong, and it took years for many people to feel safe enough to speak out about the horrors they had witnessed. The National Commission for Truth and Reconciliation, known as the Rettig Commission, was established to investigate the human rights abuses that took place during the dictatorship. Although it provided a partial picture of the atrocities, many cases of the disappeared were left unresolved.
The fight for justice took a significant turn in 1998 when Pinochet was arrested in London under an international warrant issued by a Spanish judge for his crimes against humanity. His arrest sent shockwaves across the world, signalling that former dictators could be held accountable for their crimes, no matter how much time had passed or how powerful they once were. However, despite this symbolic victory, Pinochet was ultimately released on health grounds and returned to Chile, where he avoided full prosecution.
In the years that followed, Chile's courts began to reopen cases against former members of the military and DINA. Some key figures were prosecuted, and a few were convicted, but many families remain without answers. For many Chileans, the disappearances remain an open wound, a source of collective trauma that has yet to fully heal.
Efforts to locate and identify the remains of the disappeared have continued. Forensic teams have worked to exhume mass graves and match remains with DNA samples from family members. While some remains have been identified, thousands are still unaccounted for, leaving their families in a state of limbo.
Legacy of the Coup and the Dictatorship
The legacy of the 1973 coup and Pinochet’s dictatorship continues to shape Chilean society and politics. The economic policies introduced under Pinochet, often referred to as "neoliberalism," had lasting effects on Chile’s economy. While his regime stabilised inflation and led to periods of economic growth, it also deepened social inequalities, with wealth becoming increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few. These inequalities continue to be a source of tension in Chile, sparking protests and movements demanding social justice and economic reform.
Politically, the coup and the dictatorship left deep scars on Chilean democracy. While Chile has returned to democratic governance, the country’s political system remains polarised, with lingering divisions between those who supported Pinochet's economic reforms and those who suffered under his brutal regime. The military, once revered as a neutral institution, has had to reckon with its role in the coup and the years of repression that followed.
In recent years, there has been a growing movement in Chile to confront this painful past more openly. Monuments and memorials to the victims of the dictatorship have been erected, and human rights education is becoming a more prominent part of Chile’s national curriculum. The fight for justice for the disappeared along with other victims of the dictatorship, continues as younger generations demand accountability and transparency.
The 1973 coup in Chile and the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet remain among the darkest chapters in Latin American history. What began as a violent overthrow of a democratically elected government soon devolved into nearly two decades of repression, torture, and disappearances. The role of the CIA in destabilising Chile and contributing to the conditions that led to the coup further complicates this tragic story, illustrating the geopolitical chess games played at the height of the Cold War.
For the families of the disappeared, the pain and uncertainty caused by the disappearances are still felt today. Many continue their search for the remains of their loved ones, clinging to the hope that one day they will have the closure they so desperately seek. As Chile moves forward, the memory of this period serves as a stark reminder of the fragility of democracy and the human cost of political violence.
The coup, Pinochet’s dictatorship, and the legacy of the disappeared are issues that will continue to be debated in Chile for generations to come, but they also serve as a reminder to the world of the importance of justice, transparency, and the preservation of human rights.
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